In 2015, the Willapa National Wildlife Refuge acquired a few hundred acres of young forest from a commercial timber company.
Forming a buffer near long-standing refuge property east of Long Beach, the acreage had been replanted less than a decade before at a density of about 400 trees per acre. But by the time the refuge began thinning them this past spring, natural regeneration had swelled that figure to 3,000 trees per acre in some stands. Navigating them on foot is like trying to push through a wall.
Without thinning, these trees would grow not just tall, spindly and unhealthy, but also vulnerable to wildfires. This latter scenario might seem unlikely out here on the coast, where historic fire-return intervals were long. But it’s far from impossible, especially as summers get hotter and drier and drought cycles longer and more frequent.
Not to mention the fact that when fire did return, it returned ferociously. As Kyle Smith, forest manager for The Nature Conservancy of Washington, puts it: “When we had a big fire on the west side, they just kind of burned everything. And … I think we’re seeing increased likelihoods on the west side that it could happen more frequently, which is scary.”
Complexity, diversity
As with pre-commercial thinning on timber plantations, the refuge’s overall objective has been to reduce stand density. But unlike timber companies, the refuge is following a Conservancy-designed prescription that not only takes extra steps to maximize fire resiliency, but also prioritizes complexity and diversity over timber volume.
For instance, instead of just falling and bucking trees, the refuge is grinding them on the spot with heavy machinery. The reasoning behind this is twofold. First, wood chips and mulch return nutrients to the forest quicker than slash. Second, from a fuels-management perspective, fine fuels pose less risk than heavy fuels, which not only burn more intensely but can also stack up higher on the forest floor.
Additionally, the Conservancy’s prescription leaves trees in discontinuous clumps instead of spacing them evenly. This distribution, which Smith calls “skips and gaps,” aims to mimic the structure of old, mature forests, in which natural disturbances like wind storms level trees randomly and complex understories develop in the resulting mosaic of clearings. Solitary spruce and cedar saplings, on the other hand, are being left wherever they’re found, lest they be out-competed by the fast-growing hemlock.
Shaun Matthews has run equipment at the refuge for the past two decades and worked in the woods since the ’80s. Even with his experience, the selectivity of this prescription still poses a challenge: “The spruce and the cedar … are not growing very well here. Because they’re slower-growing, they’re all covered up.”
So covered up, in fact, that it can be hard enough to spot them even from the cab of an excavator, let alone masticate precisely around them; imagine mowing an overgrown lawn and trying to leave the dandelions behind.
Left: A clump of young hemlocks stands in a newly thinned patch at the Willapa National Wildlife Refuge on May 14, 2024. The thinning prescriptions leaves “skips and gaps” in the trees to mimic the clearings created by natural disturbances. Right: An excavator with mulching head attached masticates trees during a thinning operation at the Willapa National Wildlife Refuge on June 13, 2024. (Riley Yuan/Chinook Observer)
Naturalizing is costly
Nothing about this work is quick, easy or inexpensive. But it is necessary, as Todd Rankin, fuels specialist for the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service’s Pacific region, explains: “We have to nurture these forests back into that natural existence, and we just can’t expect to just be hands-off and think that it’s going to be successful.”
Furthermore, these treatments aren’t just an investment into the forest itself. They’re also an investment in the local economy. In addition to restoring the forest, the Conservancy is also trying to make its operations both financially self-sustaining and a consistent source of jobs. It’s a big ask, especially considering that the Conservancy faces the same prohibitive log markets as commercial timber companies while operating on even thinner margins. Funding bottlenecks are still common, and this most recent round of thinning relied largely on federal money allocated through the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law that was passed and signed into law in 2021.
But it’s not impossible to break even either, as past experience on the neighboring Ellsworth Creek Preserve shows.
“It’s all self-sustaining,” says Smith. “We are relying on grants, but a lot of it is through the timber revenue, where we’re thinning some of these older forests that generate revenue in a way to cover other costs, like these younger-stand thinnings that we’re doing at the refuge.”
Ecological gains
Even the ecological returns are starting to become measurable, though the full extent of them will take decades to materialize. Restoration treatments on the Ellsworth Creek Preserve are already showing a positive impact on key old-growth metrics, including tree size, vertical and horizontal complexity, stand density and understory richness, less than two decades after they were first implemented.
As for the refuge, just a few minutes from where the machines have been working, Smith points out an older stand that was hand-thinned in 2011. There are still the same skips and gaps, the same clumps of hemlocks. Only now, instead of mulch, a vibrant understory fills the intervening clearings. Here and there, solitary cedars and spruce are growing stout, their canopies spreading into the space they were given. There are even some snags bearing the girdles that made them.
At one point, Smith walks past a moss-covered mound and pauses. “We cut that,” he says. It isn’t a mound. It’s a stump. It’s so overgrown as to be nearly invisible. It looks so much older than it is. It looks like a sign of what’s to come.
The Chinook Observer originally published this article on June 24, 2024.
When Baheer Hedayee came to the U.S. from Kabul, Afghanistan, after the U.S. troop withdrawal in 2021, he said his English level was at 5%. The 10-year-old remembers he couldn’t understand any of the words spoken when he started first grade at Parkside Elementary School in Des Moines, Washington.
Two years later, he can speak English as well as he speaks his native Farsi. He argues that he is basically already 11 years old since his birthday is coming soon. He knows he wants to be a lawyer when he grows up. And he hopes to make the school soccer team this season and loves to talk about the different places his friends and classmates come from.
A majority of his fellow Parkside students are immigrants and refugees or have asylum status. They come from a variety of countries: Afghanistan, Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Russia and Ukraine. Several languages, like Swahili, Farsi, Pashto, Dari, Spanish, English, Arabic and more, appear on colorful signs and posters and are heard in school hallways.
Global events, including the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan in 2021 and the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, have brought refugees to Washington communities like Des Moines. And nearly half of all refugees who come to the state are under 18, according to Sarah Peterson, office chief and state refugee coordinator for the Office of Refugee and Immigrant Assistance in the Department of Social Health Services. And those numbers have more than doubled in each of the past two years.
“I think kids are often the reason why people come to the United States,” said Peterson. “On more than one occasion, I’ve had a parent say, ‘I came so that my child can have a better life.’”
Baheer’s father, Ahmad Hedayee, 38, said his family’s life in the U.S. is amazing in comparison to what they would have had to endure if they had stayed in Afghanistan.
“I have work, my kids come to school, my wife is going to college, everything is good and we’re really happy with this life,” Hedayee said.
First steps
More than 14,000 refugees and other humanitarian immigrants have come to the state in the past two years, according to Peterson. The largest subgroups are from Afghanistan and Ukraine, followed by Syria, Cuba and Venezuela. Most are coming to King, Spokane, Snohomish and Pierce counties so the immigrants and refugees can join existing communities of newcomers and receive culturally responsive resources and linguistic help.
Over the past two fiscal years, the Office of Refugee and Immigrant Assistance has invested nearly $70 million to support more than 16 programs and services for eligible refugees and immigrants. Peterson said 91% of this money comes from the federal government and the rest from the state budget.
Parkside principal Bobbi Giammona asks a group of second-graders to point out on the world map where they are from. (Genna Martin/Cascade PBS)
The Hedayee siblings, from left: Baheer, 10; Sahaba, 4; Samya, 7; and Sama, 9, sit outside Parkside Elementary in Des Moines, April 29, 2024. The oldest three are students at the school, where a majority of their classmates are immigrants and refugees. (Genna Martin/Cascade PBS)
Washington enrolled more than 4,000 Afghan children and 6,000 from Ukraine in the 2022-2023 school year alone. The large number of incoming students is difficult for both the state and the districts to track, so some schools may be missing out on the state funds available to support their immigrant and refugee students, according to Peterson. These programs are opt-in and schools need to apply for the money, but Peterson said some schools aren’t aware of this resource.
The state also has difficulty tracking the impact this money has on communities since they can’t directly check with individual students and their families. They must rely on their community partners for updates. And a lot of this work is done quickly in response to emergencies, as they had to do when war broke out in Ukraine, so that adds another level of difficulty.
First steps for these families – and the agencies helping them – are housing and then school.
Schools and community organizations work together to support them, generally placing the newcomers with other people from the same country, religion and culture to ease their transition.
“Parkside is my second home,” said Ahmad, who was hired as a bilingual interpreter by the Highline School District and then later as a paraeducator at Parkside to help teach English to immigrant students. “This very classroom we are in is where I started working,” he said of the classroom where incoming immigrant students learn English.
The journey
In Kabul, Ahmad worked as a general services assistant at the U.S. Embassy, where he was invited to apply for Special Immigrant Visas for himself and his immediate family. They left around the same time the U.S. troop withdrawal began. Most of their extended family remains in Afghanistan, but Ahmad says they keep in touch through video and phone calls.
Although Baheer was only 7 at the time, he vividly remembers each stop along the way.
He remembers his father waking all of them up at 2 or 3 a.m. and saying it was time to go. They drove their car to Kabul International Airport and carried their luggage filled with clothes, mementos and essentials. They waited outside in the summer heat until the late evening with “100,000 or 200,000 people” who were all trying to escape.
Then they repeated this routine for the next two to three days, waiting to board a plane. The day before they were able to leave, Baheer remembers, he heard loud bangs and yelling from those he called “armies” – U.S. soldiers – to leave their bags and run inside the airport buildings for safety.
Ahmad said those loud bangs were from a suicide attack at the back of the airport. His family was finally able to board a plane to Germany after days of uncertainty and anxiety. In Germany they spent almost two months sharing a large tent in a refugee camp with about 300 people, with no restrooms and having to ration food to the point of being allotted only one banana for two children or a large hard black loaf of bread for the whole family.
Ahmad Hedayee talks with his son Baheer, 10, and his friends as they wait for a late bus to pick them up for school outside their apartment complex in Des Moines. (Genna Martin/Cascade PBS)
Baheer said he wore the same outfit, including underwear, for 15-20 days without showering. They were given donated clothes and a blanket to keep warm at night, but look back at their time in Germany with grimaces, and have agreed never to return.
When the Hedayees finally arrived in the U.S. in 2022, the whole family said they immediately felt welcomed by American soldiers at Fort Gregg-Adams in Virginia. The soldiers carried their bags to their hotel room and even bought them Afghan food, which Ahmad said they hadn’t eaten since beginning their journey.
Baheer remembered feeling so happy to finally take a shower after wearing the same dirty clothes for so long. The family then was transferred to Pennsylvania, where Ahmad said they were taken to a room with a large table full of snacks like chips and candy. The children asked if they could have some, but, after having to ration their food in Germany, they took only one bag of chips and a piece of candy. They were elated to learn they could eat as much as they wanted.
Ahmad requested a move to Washington since his brother lived here, and the International Rescue Committee set them up in an apartment complex close to Parkside Elementary, where Baheer and his sister Sama, 9, enrolled in January 2022.
Jennifer McLaughlin, senior program manager for youth and education at the IRC, said the process of resettling families into housing and enrolling the children in school can take months, often with several relocations along the way. The IRC has a partnership with Highline School District; McLaughlin said they began their work with one middle school in King County in 2023, and now it’s the county with the most people they serve.
Once a family is settled, they go through school orientation with a support team of social workers and staff members. This is also when families learn about the U.S. education system and a variety of other support services from language assistance to the school lunch program.
State law requires incoming students to be tested for their English language skills within 10 days of enrollment. Rosann Rankin, Parkside Elementary’s multilingual learning specialist, scrambled to test all of the new Afghan students when they arrived in those first waves. Students are grouped with others at the same English level 45 minutes a day for 20 weeks, where they gain a language foundation.
Parkside now has staff members who were parents of refugee students, or refugees themselves, who can speak Dari and Pashto and assist new arrivals. Since a majority of the incoming immigrant students are from Afghanistan, they pair up as language buddies to help each other outside of class.
McLaughlin said one of the challenges schools face is accommodating the large number of students arriving at the same time. IRC tripled their funding and increased staffing from 16 to 34 this year, hiring people who were also refugees. The number of students they serve this year has doubled since last year, to 930 students.
Her team has added trauma-informed linguistic support programs to their current student support to help students adjust to their new lives and improve their English.
“Oftentimes these kids, they really just want to go back home. They didn’t choose to come here. America wasn’t a dream for them,” McLaughlin said.
Samya Hedayee, 7, waits for her school bus with a friend outside their apartment complex in Des Moines. (Genna Martin/Cascade PBS)
A sign at Parkside Elementary lists greetings in many languages including Chinook, Chinese, Farsi, Hawaiian and Arabic. The school encourages students to speak their home language in school just as much as they tell them to speak in English. (Genna Martin/Cascade PBS)
Ahmad said this was the case for his children when they arrived at Parkside. The language barrier was difficult and frustrating for them to overcome.
“I think everything is so different for them. Some of them have never been to school because of either the Taliban and/or COVID,” said Rankin, who also helps teach students English. “Some of them were in private schools in Afghanistan, [and] we have kids from cities and from rural areas.”
Support after school
Sarah Peterson from the state Office of Refugee and Immigrant Assistance said another challenge when it comes to refugee students is providing support outside of academics. At their current capacity, they’re able to provide funding to schools for academic purposes only, not for mental health support or counseling.
School’s Out Washington and Lutheran Community Services Northwest are two organizations offering after-school programs for refugee students. School’s Out Washington is a nonprofit that receives funding from the state to invest in after-school or summer programs for students, including their Refugee School Impact Program. One Lutheran Community Services program, Refugees Northwest, helps students work on their English skills.
Sama Hedayee, 9, boards the bus to Parkside Elementary, May 1, 2024. (Genna Martin/Cascade PBS)
Students get on the bus to Parkside Elementary outside their apartment complex in Des Moines, where many immigrant and refugee families live. (Genna Martin/Cascade PBS)
Fahmo Abdulle, youth case manager and program coordinator at Refugees Northwest, said Refugees Northwest does not have counselors or mental health professionals with the linguistic and cultural backgrounds to fully understand these students, but they do offer mental and wellness workshops for parents to help them deal with the trauma of escaping their country and coming to the United States. Other refugee organizations offer some mental health support, including Jewish Family Service, which has also worked to resettle Afghan refugees.
A school of several languages
The Hedayee kids now love coming to school to learn from their teachers and hang out with their friends, who come from many different backgrounds.
“Especially Samya, every Friday, she asks me, ‘Is there school tomorrow?’ And on Saturday she asks again, ‘Is there school tomorrow?’ I tell her, take it easy, you will have time to go to school,” Ahmad said.
Samya, 7, wants to become a teacher since she loves using her second grade homework to teach her mother English. Ahmad’s wife asked not to be named because her brother was arrested by the Taliban, and worries for their relatives who are still in Afghanistan.
Samya Hedayee, 7, works on reading skills with her second-grade classmates at Parkside Elementary, May 1, 2023. (Genna Martin/Cascade PBS)
She is currently taking language classes at Highline Community College. Everyone in the family including their youngest, 4-year-old Sahaba, can now speak, read and write in English and Farsi. Similar to other immigrant families, the children sometimes translate for their mother in everyday life, from talking to a delivery person to making doctor’s appointments.
Bobbi Giammona, principal of Parkside Elementary, said the school encourages students to speak their home language in school just as much as they tell them to speak in English.
“Kids who are bilingual can keep both,” Rankin said. “Their brains can do things that monolingual kids can’t, as well as stay in connection with their grandparents and parents so there’s not a divide in their family of who can and can’t speak.”
Giammona said all staff at Parkside – from classroom teachers to librarians and music teachers – are GLAD-trained (Guided Language Acquisition Design), which allows students to communicate their thoughts in different ways, like drawing or using their home language, if they cannot express themselves fully in English.
A map on the wall at Parkside Elementary shows pins where immigrant and refugee students are from. Many Parkside families are from Afghanistan. (Genna Martin/Cascade PBS)
The school library also supplies books in several languages to ensure that students keep their native language and read books if they’re not fluent in English yet.
Ahmad and his wife tell their children to write stories in a notebook in Farsi to ensure they don’t forget their native language, since they’re mainly using English in school.
“It’s important for them to remember their language for when we can go back to Afghanistan one day, so they can speak to my mother, their grandmother and all of our family there,” Ahmad said.
For the first time in more than a decade, Washington voters will choose a new leader of the state’s largest public law office. But what exactly does the Washington attorney general do, and how has the office changed in the 12 years Bob Ferguson has been at the helm?
To answer those questions, we turned to the three most recent holders of the office: Ferguson, a Democrat who decided not to run for a fourth term; Rob McKenna, a Republican; and Chris Gregoire, a Democrat who went on to serve as governor.
“The easiest way that I’ve been able to describe it is to say the attorney general is the lawyer for the entire state,” said Gregoire, attorney general from 1993 to 2005. “It represents all state organizations and institutions of higher education. And it represents you, the consumer. If you have been improperly treated as a consumer, then it represents you.”
With a staff of nearly 800 attorneys, the attorney general manages the state’s largest public law firm, tasked with representing state agencies in court as well as defending the rights of Washington residents by enforcing consumer protection laws, filing civil rights lawsuits, and going after those who have violated the state’s environmental regulations.
Rob McKenna, who served from 2005 to 2013, notes that unlike other states, Washington doesn’t allow individual agencies to have their own legal staff. “So there’s no general counsel office in the state Department of Transportation, for example, or the Department of Corrections,” McKenna said. “As a result, when I was in office, we were the fifth largest AG office in the country.”
With an office of that magnitude, Washington has been at the forefront of major national consumer lawsuits in the past 30 years, including successful settlements against tobacco companies, mortgage lenders and opioid manufacturers.
Current attorney general Ferguson, who has led the office since 2013, said that one of the AG’s critical roles is taking on powerful entities that don’t play by the rules. “If you’re a farmworker in Central Washington, what chances do you really have to take on your company?” he said. “If Comcast is overbilling you five bucks a month on your bill, what chance do you really have to hold them accountable for that? Let’s be honest, it's pretty dang small.”
And while consumer protection is a large part of the office’s docket, in recent years more high-profile civil rights cases – including Ferguson’s lawsuits against controversial Trump-administration policies on immigration – made the post of attorney general even more visible.
Protecting consumers
Because Washington cities and counties are responsible for criminal prosecutions, about 98 percent of the AG’s cases are civil, not criminal. Those few instances when the office does prosecute crimes generally involve serious, complicated felonies for which less-populous counties or municipalities request assistance.
“The role of the attorney general is really quite limited when it comes to the criminal side,” Gregoire said. “We end up doing rather high-profile things – say first-degree murder cases in jurisdictions who do not have the experience to do it.”
A big portion of the AG office’s civil lawsuits center on enforcing the state’s Consumer Protection Act – which covers both fraudulent business practices and antitrust. A recent example is Ferguson’s case against the proposed merger of grocery chains Kroger and Albertsons. In a statement earlier this year, Ferguson said of the proposed sale, “Shoppers will have fewer choices and less competition, and, without a competitive marketplace, they will pay higher prices at the grocery store. That’s not right, and this lawsuit seeks to stop this harmful merger.”
Gregoire, as attorney general, was one of the leading negotiators in a massive multistate tobacco case – which in 1997 led to a record settlement that provided all 50 states with hundreds of billions in continual payments so long as the tobacco companies continue to do business. Washington is expected to receive a total of $4.5 billion from the companies by 2025 for health care and smoking prevention programs.
That lawsuit was sparked by documents released by tobacco company whistleblower Jeffrey Wigand, Gregoire said, noting that “what we came to understand was going on was appalling.”
“So, a couple of states went out and sued,” she said. “The rest of us tried to bring the whole group together, and ultimately we were able to get the largest settlement in the history of the world.”
During his tenure, attorney general Rob McKenna also was involved in a multistate class action suit against national mortgage lenders for fraudulent practices. That eventually led to a $25 billion settlement in 2012, of which Washington received $648 million. “We were able to provide mortgage relief to thousands of homeowners in Washington state,” McKenna said. “That was very gratifying.”
Ferguson’s most prominent consumer protection lawsuit involved holding opioid manufacturers, distributors and pharmacies accountable for the addiction and overdose crisis in Washington, which has claimed over 17,000 lives statewide in the past 15 years. Originally part of a class action with other states, Ferguson’s office chose to reject those national settlements and pursue Washington’s cases independently. “I just felt it wasn’t enough money and we could do better by going our own way,” he said.
It was a calculated risk that paid off. The AG’s office says that individual opioid case settlements, including those with Johnson & Johnson this year, Purdue Pharma in 2022 and other companies, have resulted in a total of $1.2 billion for state health care and treatment programs – about $113 million more than if the state had accepted the national settlements. Ferguson said the size and experience of his team was a deciding factor. “I could reject national settlements because I knew I had the team to prosecute our case. Whereas I know for a lot of my colleagues, their teams aren’t big enough or have the expertise to do it.”
Occasionally, a case doesn’t go their way. Of the 800 or so consumer lawsuits filed under Ferguson’s tenure, the office has lost two, including a five-year case against the thrift chain Value Village. Because the state is by law on the hook to pay for defendants’ legal costs if they lose, the office sets aside a pot of about $10 million from its successful lawsuits for those instances. “Those payments come from bad actors that we’ve held accountable to our protection laws,” Ferguson said. “We simply bank some of those dollars to make sure we wouldn’t have to have taxpayers pay for it.”
Prominent opposition to Trump’s policies
Ferguson rose to national prominence when Washington became one of the first states to legally challenge the Trump administration’s controversial policies – most notably, the administration’s ban on travel and refugee resettlement from seven predominantly Muslim countries in January 2017.
In 2015, Ferguson had created the Wing Luke civil rights division, named for a former assistant attorney general and Seattle City Council member. “I certainly didn’t have in my mind the idea that someday we would be filing a lawsuit against the president,” he said. But over the course of a weekend after Trump signed the order enacting the so-called Muslim ban, Ferguson’s civil rights team filed the first lawsuit against the policy and won a halt to the ban from federal judge James Robart. Later rulings in the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals also sided with Ferguson, who notes that the Trump administration “was articulating a shockingly broad interpretation of presidential authority.”
Although that case grabbed national headlines, other Washington attorneys general have also sued the federal government or defended the state before the U.S. Supreme Court, representing the interests of Washington residents.
McKenna, during his tenure, sued the Obama administration in 2010 to oppose the mandate within the Obamacare health care bill requiring people to purchase health insurance. He lost in the U.S. Supreme Court, but the mandates were essentially ended by Congress in 2019.
McKenna also argued before the U.S. Supreme Court defending the state’s “top-two” primary election system, in which Washington voters don’t have to declare a party affiliation. In 2008,the court ruled 7-2 in favor of the state’s system. “We went up to the U.S. Supreme Court and persuaded them that this is not a blanket primary – that this is a qualifying primary, not a nominating primary,” McKenna said. “The top two can advance and so it doesn’t infringe on the First Amendment rights of the political parties.”
For his part, Ferguson doesn’t believe the AG’s office has become more politicized, and he’s quick to point out that his office also joined a multistate lawsuit against the Biden administration this year regarding the Food and Drug Administration’s policies on the abortion medication Mifepristone. “Lots of people called and said hey, this is embarrassing, don’t file a lawsuit against the Biden administration on reproductive rights,” Ferguson said. “But we did that because it’s protecting the rights of Washingtonians.”
Looking toward the governor’s mansion
The attorney general is also tasked with enforcing the state’s environmental regulations, and after Gregoire negotiated an agreement with the federal government as head of the state’s Department of Ecology, as attorney general she was tasked with enforcing that agreement. Ferguson, over the past dozen years, has increased the size of the environmental division and taken numerous companies to court, including a successful case against Crown Resources, owner of the closed Buckhorn Mountain gold mine in north-central Washington, which was found to have broken environmental regulations 3,539 times.
Now Ferguson hopes to become the next resident of the governor’s mansion – and he’s certainly not the first to attempt a leap from attorney general to governor. Ken Eikenberry, a Republican AG from 1981 to 1983, ran for governor in 1992 and narrowly lost to Democrat Mike Lowry. Gregoire was elected governor in 2004 after serving three terms as attorney general, and spent eight years in the governor’s mansion. McKenna entered the gubernatorial race in 2012 against Jay Inslee and lost by a slim margin.
In the current attorney general’s race, voters will decide between Democrat Nicholas Brown, former U.S. Attorney for Western Washington; Democratic state senator Manka Dhingra, D- Redmond; and Republican Pete Serrano, mayor of Pasco.
Gregoire said that while nothing quite prepares someone for the job of being governor, working as attorney general is certainly a logical step and probably why many past AGs have tried to make the transition. “Nothing that I can even fathom will prepare you to be governor,” Gregoire said. “But being attorney general is probably the best preparation you can get.”
“Because you have to represent every state agency. You have to represent the public. And in doing so, you come in with a wealth of knowledge and understanding of how government works – or doesn’t work – and what each agency is actually responsible for.”
